|
BALLYS
UPDATE
On June
3rd, despite management's ruthless and inappropriate behavior, we
prevailed in our election to form our union with the UAW by a margin of
628-255. Despite this overwhelming margin of victory the company
filed objections to the election with the National Labor Relations
Board on June 8th. These objections were rejected by the Administrative
Law Judge in his decision dated October 18th. The company then appealed
this decision to the National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D.C.
We are currently awaiting that decision. We fully expect the outcome of
this appeal to be the same as the original decision. The company then
has one last appeal available to them in the Appellate Court.
Unfortunately this appeal process is available to the company and they,
in our opinion, are using this process simply as a delay tactic hoping
that we get impatient and discouraged. We have worked too long and too
hard to be swayed by the same people that have treated us unfairly and
disrespectfully for many, many years.We, the elected Bally's Bargaining Committee, would like to inform you, our members, of our progress (impeded as it may be by management). We have been meeting on our own time with our UAW Representatives in spite of the fact that management is attempting to not recognize our decision to join the UAW. While management is delaying our inevitable negotiation process for a fair and equitable contract, we are taking advantage of this time to prepare our proposals. Once we become certified we will begin the bargaining process and finally have a voice in our workplace. Our sister property, Caesars, is continuing to bargain with the company. Many proposals have been exchanged regarding such subjects as healthcare, seniority, grievance procedure, hours of work (including early outs, starting times, scheduling, etc.), leave of absence, call out/absentee language, etc. We remain optimistic that Caesars' dealers will obtain a fair and equitable contract. Do not allow management's stall tactics to discourage you. Company objections to successful union organizing elections are not uncommon, they're actually the norm. Management knows with a union they will lose some of their power over us and we will no longer be at their mercy, that's why they fight us so hard. Together, organized and united, we are strong. We are moving forward regardless of any futile attempts by management to stop or delay us. Keep the faith, we will ultimately prevail. In
Solidarity,
Your UAW Bally’s Bargaining Committee Jason Cohen Kumud Daru. Kenneth Mondillo Edda Osis Michael Price Sal LaCorte Barbara Basile Kenneth Lorch Chun Zhu |
|
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
BEFORE THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD DIVISION OF JUDGES BALLY’S PARK PLACE INC. d/b/a BALLY’S ATLANTIC CITY, Employer,
and Case 4–RC–21286
INTERNATIONAL UNION, UNITED AUTOMOBILE AEROSPACE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPELEMENT WORKERS OF AMERICA, AFL-CIO, Petitioner
For the Employer: Charles E. Sykes, Esq. of Houston, Texas Richard Tartaglio, Esq. of Atlantic City, New Jersey Gerald Einsohn, Esq. of Las Vegas Nevada For the Petitioner:
William T. Josem, Esq., Cassie R. Ehrenberg, Esq. of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania For the Regional Director: William Slack, Esq. of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE'S
REPORT ON OBJECTIONS background
David I. Goldman, Administrative Law Judge. Pursuant to Section 9(c) of the National Labor Relations Act (Act), the International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, AFL–CIO (UAW or Union) filed a representation petition in the above-referenced matter on April 20, 2007. On April 27, the Regional Director for Region 4 of the National Labor Relations Board (Board) approved a Stipulated Election Agreement, in which the parties agreed to a Board-conducted representation election on June 2 and 3, for the following employees of Bally’s Park Place Inc. d/b/a Bally’s Atlantic City (Bally’s or Employer): All full-time and regular part-time dealers, keno and simulcast employees employed by the Employer at its Park Place And The Boardwalk, Atlantic City, NJ facility. An election in this unit was conducted on June 2 and
3. The tally of ballots showed the following results:
Approximate number of eligible voters 1129
Void Ballots 6 Votes cast for Petitioner 628 Votes cast against participating labor organizations 255 Valid votes counted 883 Challenged Ballots 141 Valid votes counted plus challenged ballots 1024 After the election, on June 1, Bally’s filed
objections to the election. On July 12, the Acting Regional
Director for Region 4 of the Board ordered a hearing on the
objections. I conducted the hearing in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
August 14–16. The parties filed briefs on September 11. Based on
the testimony at the hearing, my assessment of the credibility of the
witnesses and their demeanor, the documentary evidence, and the entire
record before me, as well as the briefs of the parties, I make the
following findings, conclusions, and recommendations.
ii. the objections
Bally’s originally filed 10 sequentially-numbered
objections. In its posthearing brief (E. Br. at 30) Bally’s
withdrew objections 3–5 and 7. Accordingly, the following extant
objections remain:
1. To the refusal of the Regional Director to provide Notice(s) of Election printed in various foreign languages that are spoken by hundreds of eligible voters. The Petitioner did object to the Employer’s request that the Notice Election be printed in various foreign languages. 2. To the conduct of at least one of the
Petitioner’s Asian Election observers who had a sample ballot visible
for Asian voters to see before they obtained their ballots. The
Petitioner’s Asian observer would point to the Sample Ballot’s “Yes”
box, which was clearly visible to the Asian voters prior to the casting
of their ballots.
6. Agents, representatives and supporters of the Petitioner threatened, coerced and intim[idated] various eligible voters who did not support the Petitioner. 8. Agents and representatives of the Petitioner asked eligible voters how they were going to vote prior to the election. Agents and representatives of the Petitioner threatened eligible voters that if they did not sign a document in support of the Petitioner that they would be the first to go after the Petitioner won the election. By the above, related and other acts and conduct, the
Petitioner’s agents, representatives and supporters interfered with the
election.
In its brief, Bally’s describes (E. Br. at 40)
objection 10 as a “catch all objection” and states that “the evidence
in support of it has been summarized in this brief.” No specific
evidence or argument is advanced. Such “catch all” objections
lack the specificity contemplated by the Board’s rules and must be (and
is) overruled. The Smithfield Packing Co., 344 NLRB 1, 172
(2004), enfd. 447 F.3d 821 (D.C. Cir. 2006); Airstream, 288 NLRB 220,
229 (1988), enfd. in relevant part, 877 F.2d 1291 (6th Cir. 1989).
In its brief, the Employer advances three issues as a basis to overturn the election results. The first (Objection 1) challenges the Region’s failure to provide foreign language translation of the Board’s notices of election. Second (Objection 2), is the conduct of a union observer accused, essentially, of electioneering from his observer’s post during the election. Third (Objections 6, 8, 9), is the alleged conduct of union organizers during a visit to the home of an eligible voter. Herein, I consider each issue in turn. Objection 1. The Region’s failure
to
provide translated notices of election
Bally’s objects to the failure of Region 4 to
provide
foreign language notices of election. The Employer’s request for
foreign language notices and ballots and the Region’s response
Board elections may involve ballots and/or notices of election prepared in languages other than or in addition to English. Here, the issue was first mooted by Bally’s on April 17, in response to an April 12 representation petition filed by the UAW over (essentially) the same bargaining unit at issue in this case. That petition was withdrawn and refiled with the petition assigned the instant case number on April 20. In his April 17 letter, Bally’s Vice-President and
Associate General Counsel Gerald Einsohn requested that the notice of
election and ballots for the election in this case be printed in 9
languages in addition to English. The languages requested were
Chinese (Mandarin and Cantonese), Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish,
Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian and Laotian. The letter stated:
I am writing you at this time, far in advance
of the
election, regarding our request to have the Notice of Election and
Ballots printed in additional languages. We have numerous dealers
whose first language is not English. They are hired to service
our diverse clientele. The majority of the employees listed
below, to our knowledge, do not speak English well and do not read
English. They receive their instructions verbally in their native
tongue from their supervisors or fellow employees and any written
communication necessary to perform their job is verbally translated by
a supervisor or fellow employee.
Set forth below is the languages and approximate
number of employees:
Chinese (Mandarin and
Cantonese) 180
Vietnamese 60 Hindi 80 Spanish 120 Bangladesh 15 Korean 8 Cambodian and Laotian each of which are Approximately the same number as Koreans Based on the above, we are formally
requesting that
the Notices and Ballots be printed in each of the languages set forth
above. It is our position that the failure to do so will amount
to disenfranchising over 400 votes which is a third of the unit
eligible to vote.
The Region responded the same day, April
17, in a
letter from Field Examiner Mary Leach to Einsohn. Leach wrote:
I am writing this letter requesting additional information
and documentation relating to your request to the Region today for
translated Notices of Election and ballots. Please respond to and
provide the following:
When Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish,
Bangladesh,
Korean, Cambodian, and Laotian employees apply for work, are they given
applications in their native language? If so, please provide copies of
those job applications. When the above groups are interviewed, are they
interviewed by employees who speak in their native tongue? Please
provide the name of the employee who performs the interviews, and the
language that the employee speaks.
When the above groups are hired, how does the Employer communicate with them concerning their fringe benefits? For example, if the Employer offers its employees health, dental, or life insurance, are those documents in the above-listed languages? If so, please provide examples of benefit materials in the above-listed languages. When Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, and Laotian employees are hired, are they trained by employees who speak in their native tongue? Please provide the names of the employees who train them, and examples of the training materials that are provided to them. When the Employer posts its Wage and Hour, EEOC, and OSHA-type notices to employees, are those notices posted in Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, and Laotian? If so, please provide copies of the notices. Does the Employer translate any of its internal or other memos or notices to employees to Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian? If so, please provide a copy. Has the Employer provided any of the Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian employees with translated campaign materials? If so, please provide a copy. Or, has the Employer hired any translators or interpreters who speak Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian to communicate with employees about the Employer's campaign? If so, please provide the name and phone number of the translator or interpreter, and the agency from which they were obtained. If any of the Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian employees are issued written disciplinary warnings, does the Employer provide these warnings in Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian? If so, please provide examples. If the Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian employees take licensing exams, are those exams administered in their native tongue? Are these licensing exams administered by the Employer or by the State? If the Chinese, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Bangladesh, Korean, Cambodian, or Laotian employees are assigned duties where they interact with English-speaking patrons, how do they communicate with them? Please submit any other evidence which supports your position that translated Notices of Election and ballots are needed. Leach’s letter asked Einsohn to respond by noon on
April 19. On April 19 Bally’s Director of Labor Relations Richard
Tartaglio wrote to the Region:
I have been asked to respond to the April 17, 2007
correspondence to Gerald Einsohn, Esq. concerning the above referenced
matter.
Translators are used on an ad hoc basis to explain policies and procedures, applicable state and federal regulations, discipline, training and any and all other applicable employment related issues. Subsequently, on April 23, Union counsel
William T.
Josem wrote to the Region to record the Union’s objection to Bally’s
translation request. The Union, citing the Board’s Casehandling
Manual, stressed its view that the Region’s use of foreign language
materials was permissive, not mandatory, and asserted that the
translation of the ballot and notices into 9 languages would present
problems of readability. The Union also took issue with the need
for the translation, asserting that Bally’s communicates with its
employees in English, and indicating the Union’s understanding that
Bally’s employee handbook and employee complaints were written only in
English. The Union declared: “That employees may communicate with
each other in a language other than English, as was pointed out in Mr.
Einsohn’s correspondence, is not relevant.”
On April 20, the Union’s representation
petition was
withdrawn, refiled that same day and assigned its current case
number. The new petition triggered a new round of correspondence
between Bally’s and the Region. On April 23, Bally’s
reiterated its request for foreign language notices and ballots in a
letter from Tartaglio to Field Examiner Leach that was essentially
identical to the request sent by Einsohn on April 17. Tartaglio’s
letter restated Einsohn’s request and added the explanation about
Bally’s ad hoc use of translators that he had set forth in his April 19
letter. Leach responded to the new request for foreign language
notices and ballots with a letter tracking her April 17 letter,
complete with a request that Bally’s respond to the 10 questions set
out in the previous letter. This time, she stated:
This is in response to your April 23, 2007
request that the
Notices of Election and ballots in the above-captioned case be
translated into nine languages other than English. In your letter
you state, in part, that “Translators are used on an ad hoc basis to
explain policies and procedures, applicable state and federal
regulations, discipline, training, and any and all other applicable
employment related issues.” A review of your request indicates
that it does not contain sufficient evidence to establish that the
Notices of Election and ballots require translation into languages
other than English in order to permit non-English speaking voters to
exercise their rights in the election in this case.
Therefore, I am requesting your response to the
attached
questions. Please answer each question and provide supporting
documentation by Monday, April 30, as well as any other information
that will demonstrate to the Region the need for Notices of Election
and ballots to be translated into nine languages. Please note
that I understand that you are very busy, and I do not wish to be
overly burdensome with my requests. However, in order for the
Region to adequately consider your request, specific detailed
information must be provided. If the requested information is not
provided, it is possible that your request will be denied.
Attached to the letter were the same ten questions
(listed above) that Leach had sought from Bally’s counsel Einsohn in
her April 17 letter.
Tartaglio responded to Leach’s request by
letter dated
April 27. He stated:
In reiteration of my correspondence of
April 23, 2007,
it continues to be Bally’s position that a substantial portion of our
Dealer population do not fully read or understand English. It is
not relevant how communication is handled on a day to day basis.
What is relevant is that in order to avoid disenfranchising a
substantial portion of Bally’s non-English speaking Dealer population,
the ballots must be in a language which will permit each of them to
properly exercise their right to vote in the election in this case.
By letter dated May 3, Region 4 Regional
Director
Dorothy L. Duncan-Moore wrote to Tartaglio informing him that “I have
concluded that your request for foreign language translations must be
denied.” Regional Director Duncan-Moore noted that a Stipulated
Election Agreement providing for a June 2 and 3 election among the
approximately 1200 employees in the stipulated unit had been agreed to
by the parties and approved by the Regional Director. She
referenced that “the Board Agent advised you by letter dated April 25
that the information set forth in your April 23 letter was insufficient
to establish that translations were required,” and noted that the Board
Agent had requested answers to questions “concerning the need for the
requested translations and the manner in which the Employer regularly
communicates with non-English speaking employees both orally and in
writing, including the documents issued to employees by the
Employer.” In concluding that the translations would not be
provided, the Regional Director concluded:
I have carefully reviewed your letters of April 23 and April 27 and concluded that you have not submitted sufficient evidence to establish that translations of either the Notice of Election or the ballots are necessary in this case. In your letter of April 23, you asserted that English is not the first language of more than 470 dealers, the majority of whom do not read English, and that supervisors and fellow employees are used "on an ad hoc basis" to translate instructions and some written communications. In your letter of April 27 you again asserted that a substantial number of the unit employees "do not fully read or understand English." However, you failed to answer any of the Board Agent's questions and asserted that: It is not relevant how communication is handled on a day to day basis. What is relevant is that in order to avoid disenfranchising a substantial portion [of the unit], the ballots must be in a language which will permit each of them to properly exercise their right to vote in the election in this case. In these circumstances, I find that you have failed to demonstrate that there exists a need for either the Notice of Election or the ballots to be translated as you request. Although a substantial portion of the bargaining unit employees apparently speak English only as a second language, you have cited no NLRB or court precedent requiring that election materials be translated based only on the foreign birth of some of the voters. Although the Employer uses supervisors and employees to verbally translate some oral and written materials for some of the voters, you admit that such translation is done only on an ad hoc basis. Despite our specific request, you also offered nothing to suggest that the Employer routinely issues written communications of any sort in any of these foreign languages. In addition, you have submitted no specific evidence to show that voters would in fact be unable to understand the Notice of Election or the ballot [footnote omitted], though such evidence could have established such a need. Accordingly, I am denying your request to translate the Notice of Election and ballots in this case. See Casehandling Manual Section 11315.1. The election went forward on June 2 and
3, with
English notices of election posted prior to the election, and English
ballots used in the election. Over 90 percent of eligible voters
cast ballots. More than 70 percent of the counted ballots were
cast in favor of union representation.
Language issues and the Employer’s operation
At the hearing, the parties developed
evidence
regarding the use of foreign languages at the Employer’s facility.
As background, the facility at issue is a
large
Atlantic City Casino opened more than 27 years ago and since 2005 owned
by Harrah’s. There are approximately 5,000 employees, including
approximately 1200 bargaining unit dealers (including “dual rate”
employees who voted under challenge and whom the Employer takes the
position are statutory supervisors). The bargaining unit dealers
operate a number of different games including blackjack, poker, craps,
and roulette. One area of the casino is called the “Asian Pit”
and it is devoted to games that are frequented (although not
exclusively) by customers from Asian countries or backgrounds.
These games include a “tile game” (like dominoes but without the dots),
Paicow Poker, seven card poker, and mini-Baccarat. Dealers of
Asian descent are employed primarily, but not exclusively in the Asian
Pit. Generally, dealers with thick accents are not encouraged to
work games such as craps that involve relatively more conversation and
interaction with customers, than some of the other table games, such as
blackjack, in which the nature of the game and the use of hand signals
limit the necessity of extended conversation.
The evidence shows that a very significant
(though
unknown) number of dealers were born in other countries. A
significant number speak English as a second language. In recent
years in particular, the ethnic and national origin background of the
dealers has become very diverse. As Michael May, Bally’s vice
president in charge of table games, who oversees dealer hiring,
explained, “from a cultural standpoint and ethnicity, it really is
across the board.”
The testimony establishes convincingly,
and not
surprisingly, that on breaks, during meals, and in social situations,
employees who speak English as a second language prefer to speak their
native language with one another.
On the floor of the casino, English is
the standard
language spoken by dealers. This emanates, in part, from a rule,
developed 20 years ago and still formally in effect, that forbids
dealers from speaking to customers in any language other than
English. As May, explained, the rule emanated from a concern
about the potential for collusion between a dealer and a
customer. With an English-only rule, the supervisors watching the
game are able to understand any conversations. Formally, the rule
remains in place. As May described it, “You're supposed to
speak—if you speak to a customer casually you're supposed to speak
English.” However, May also offered that the rule “has gone by
the wayside” and “it is not something that is really enforced across
the board. If anything, in order to provide better customer
service we've gone the other path to allow dealers to speak in their
native tongue to those customers that are in the game.” Such
foreign language conversations happen regularly and May suggested that
they are encouraged as part of Harrah’s emphasis on customer
service. However, the relaxation of the rule described by May has
not been clearly communicated to lower level supervision. At the
hearing, three Bally’s supervisors offered language-related testimony
and they provided mixed testimony on whether non-English conversations
with customers were permitted. Two, Chong Wong and Douglas
Vargas-Brenes were certain that dealers must speak English with
customers (see, e.g., Tr. 35, 46, 47, 52, 86), even in the “Asian Pit”
(according to Wong). Another, Wendy Chen, in agreement with May,
suggested that it was acceptable for a dealer to speak a foreign
language with a customer who indicated or demonstrated a preference for
that language and that this occurred frequently in the Asian Pit (see,
e.g., Tr. 170, 178–179). Vargas-Brenes (fluent in Spanish and
English and a native of Costa Rica) preferred talking Spanish to native
Spanish speaking dealers. In the event of a dispute between a
Spanish-speaking dealer and a customer he would intervene and ask the
customer if it was ok for him to speak Spanish to the dealer, a request
to which customers routinely agreed.
Bally’s witnesses testified to assisting with
translation of
memos or directions on occasion with dealers who did not readily
understand English instructions. The frequency of this
varied. Wong testified that he would speak Vietnamese or Chinese
with a dealer if they did not understand something but asked how often
this occurred, said “[n]ot much.” Generally at work he speaks
English to the Vietnamese or Chinese employees. However, there
are “occasions” when he translates for employees and he testified that
of the “Asian dealer[s]” “some [have] very poor English.”
Vargas-Brenes also described performing ad hoc
translations for dealers, as necessary, and indicated a preference for
speaking Spanish to Spanish-speaking dealers. Chen described
talking Vietnamese or Chinese to dealers who spoke it, and acting as an
interpreter “all the time,” but said she communicated in English with
Hindi, Spanish, and English native speaking dealers.
Applications for employment are in English
only.
Dealers are hired through an application process that includes an
audition, “which means they come to table games department and we
actually put them on a live game to see if they can handle dealing in
front of customers.” Applicants who pass the audition “come
downstairs and are spoken to with a representative of the table games
department. Normally it's shift manager who will ask them some
simple questions, and a decision is then made, with regards to them
being hired.” Asked, “are interpreters ever used in talking with
applicants who have passed the audition?” May answered that “I
have never used an interpreter.”
Bally’s utilizes an extensive employee
handbook, which is
provided to each employee, and is written only in English. Its
first page is titled“Acknowledgement[,] Receipt of Employee Handbook”
and provides for the employee to sign a page that includes the
acknowledgment that
I understand I am responsible for compliance with these
regulations, policies and procedures. I understand it is my
responsibility to read the Handbook carefully and ask questions of my
supervisor or the Human Resources Department if there is information I
do not understand.
Similarly, Bally’s distributes benefits handbooks,
employee evaluation, and employee complaint forms that are in
English. Muscalino thought that there were some benefits books in
languages other than English but he did not provide examples.
Safety training is generally in English only, but some OSHA training is
done in Spanish. Written discipline is given in English only and
employees are required to sign an acknowledgement that they have
received the discipline.
Bally’s Labor Relations Manager Patricia Fineran is involved
in the nonunion grievance procedure established by Bally’s for
employees. She has had occasion to need to use a Spanish
translator for one of the dealer grievance hearings but doesn’t have a
recent recollection of using other language translators.
Generally, she was unable to recollect many such recent situations with
dealers, and stated that she had not had many “lately, over the last
several months prior to the election, I haven't really dealt with too
many dealers.”
In the last couple of years Bally’s has begun
offering
English as a second language classes for interested employees. No
evidence was presented as to the number of employees attending the
classes, or what portion were dealers.
Frank Muscolina, Bally’s vice president of
human resources
testified that Bally’s held numerous mandatory meetings for employees
in conjunction with the union election and campaign. Each dealer
was to attend roughly five meetings, each of which Muscolina
estimated lasted an hour to an hour and 15 minutes.
Muscolina described the purpose of the meetings as being “to inform
people as to pros and cons” of union representation. The meetings
included a description of the election process and information on how
the election would be conducted. The Employer used a sample
ballot at the meeting to go over with employees the “Yes” and “No”
notations to be marked on the ballot by voters. At these meetings
Bally’s provided translation services for employees in a number of
languages. When employees signed in for the meeting they could
get translation equipment consisting of a transistor and
headphone. The transistor was the size of an ipod and the
employee could set the transistor to play one of several
languages. Muscolina testified that Bally’s decided to provide
the translation services because in a prior election at another
facility they had not done so and, according to Muscolina, employees
there had felt they were at a disadvantage and could not understand
everything discussed in the meeting. At the meetings that
Muscolina attended (approximately 12–13) Bally’s handed out all the
translation sets, which was between 75–82 sets. There were
between 100–150 employees at the meetings Muscolina attended and not
enough translation sets for those approaching the tables where the sets
were kept. No records were kept of how many people used the
translation equipment. Muscolina estimated that Bally’s spent
between $250,000.00 and $300,000.00 on translation services for the
campaign.
In addition, some of the Employer’s (and some
of the
Union’s) campaign literature was translated into various languages,
including Spanish, Hindi, Cantonese, Mandarin, and Vietnamese.
This included a Spanish language Board-created “Notice to Employees”
indicating that a petition seeking an election had been filed and
reciting various rights of employees and examples of unlawful conduct
under the Act. This document was distributed in English and in
Spanish by Bally’s. Literature was both mailed to dealers’ homes
and distributed by hand. Bally’s also placed campaign ads with
the local media (such as TV, radio, and newspapers) but these were only
in English.
Harrah’s encourages its employees (which
since 2005
include Bally’s employees) to complete opinion surveys to ascertain the
employees’ views on the company and their views on supervisors.
The surveys are available in 15 languages. They are used
throughout Harrah’s owned properties which employees 95,000 people
around the country at 48 properties. No evidence was offered
regarding the extent to which the surveys were completed, or the
language in which they were completed, by Bally’s employees generally,
or by dealers specifically.
c. Analysis The Employer contends, essentially, that foreign
translations of Board notices of elections must be provided on
request. It also contends that the Region’s failure to do so in
this case warrants the overturning of the election. I reject the
Employer’s contentions for the following reasons.
i. The Board’s policy on translation of notices
While a request for foreign language notices in Board
elections is often accommodated, the Employer’s contention that foreign
language translations must be provided upon the request of a party
rests upon no Board or Court precedent, and no Board rule or
regulation.
Bally’s cites Marriott In-Flite Services Div.of
Marriott Corp. v. NLRB, 417 F.2d 563 (5th Cir. 1969), cert. denied, 397
U.S. 920 (1970), and NLRB v. Precise Castings, Inc., 915 F.2d 1160 (7th
Cir. 1990), cert. denied, 499 U.S. 959 (1991), but neither compel a
result in the
Employer’s favor. Indeed, the salient holding is that of Precise Castings, 915 F.2d at 1164, which approved the Board’s policy of allowing regional directors discretion to decide on the use of translated ballots and notices: “Precise Castings observes that the Board has not
established a national policy but has left to its regional directors
the choice among multi-lingual ballots in different languages, and
English ballots plus election notices in other languages. . . .
Nothing in the National Labor Relations Act prevents the Board from
giving its subordinates discretion in matters of this kind.”
This (and not the Employer’s proposition that translations of notices of elections must be provided on request) is the Board’s policy. The regional directors’ discretion is circumscribed by the need to ensure that the use of only English election materials does not result in interference with the employees’ free choice. Northwestern Products, Inc., 226 NLRB 653 (1976) (“The Board’s decision [on the objection to the use of English only notices and ballots] must be based on a showing that there was interference with the election, resulting from the use of notices and ballots printed only in English”). This policy of leaving the matter to the discretion of the regional directors is consistent with the Board Casehandling Manual, which, as the Employer points out, is not binding authority, but adherence to which is desirable as it is “intended to safeguard a free and fair election.” Kirsch Drapery Hardware, 299 NLRB 363, 364 (1990). The casehandling manual contains significant guidance
for agency staff on the utilization of foreign language materials in
Board elections. Sec. 11315.1 of the Manual clearly makes use of
foreign language notices, and other materials, a matter of discretion
based on a showing of need:
As detailed in Sec. 11315.2, notices of election, including side panels and/or center panels and/or ballots in languages other than English, may be provided in addition to English notices, where the need is shown in appropriate circumstances. . . . Because the preparation of foreign language notices may be extremely costly and may delay the election, the Regional Director should carefully evaluate requests for such notices. In deciding whether to provide translated notices and/or ballots, the Regional Director may consider the following factors: (a) the portion of the voting group which speaks a foreign language and does not read English (b) the number of foreign language translations that would be required to accommodate these voters (c) whether written communication between the employer and these employees is in English or their native language. (The mere fact that employees may communicate among themselves in a language other than English is insufficient to demonstrate that they do not understand written English.)” In this case, the Regional Director’s request
for
information substantiating the Employer’s request for foreign language
notice and ballot translations was clearly suggested by and in
accordance with the casehandling manual. Indeed, consistent with
the casehandling manual, as recently as 2001, in a memo submitted into
evidence at the hearing in this case, the Regional Director had
instructed Region 4 employees that Because translation costs can be
substantial, it is
important that, before agreeing to provide any translations, we find
out from the parties enough information to enable us to evaluate
whether there is a real need to have either the Notice of Election or
the ballots translated into a foreign language. Accordingly, when
you have such a case, please ascertain from the parties (1) the number
of foreign languages and /or dialects involved, (2) what portion of the
voting group reads only a foreign language and (3) how the Employer
(and/or the Union during its campaign) communicates written information
to the voters who do not read English. The determination of what
materials, if any, should be translated, will depend on the answers to
these questions.
The Region’s inquiry into these matters
is consistent
with the policy of allowing the regions discretion to determine whether
translations are necessary. The Employer’s suggestion that the
Region’s inquiry is illegitimate is not only without support in
precedent, it is farfetched. The provision of foreign language
notices—particularly of nine foreign language notices as requested in
this case—is far from a ministerial act. To adopt the position
urged by the Employer would open the door to significant cost and delay
without permitting a region any opportunity to test the substantiveness
of a party’s request for foreign language translation. It would
be unwise for the Board to follow a rule that requires translation upon
request without permitting the region to investigate the
appropriateness and need for the translation. In determining
whether to provide the foreign language materials, the region must be
guided by the necessity of ensuring that the election is carried out in
manner that does not hinder (or have a reasonable tendency to hinder)
the exercise of employee free choice. In particular, an
assessment of the use of English in the workplace is significant to
this determination. Bally’s disputes the relevance of this
inquiry, but its position is at odds with Board precedent.
ii. The Employer’s nationwide review of notice of
elections used in other cases
The conclusion that there is no rule requiring the
translation of notices upon request is not undercut by the argument
most vigorously advanced by Bally’s: that is, its claim that documents
obtained in unrelated cases, produced to Bally’s by Board regional
offices (from across the country including Region 4), pursuant to the
Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), 5 U.S.C. § 552, “reveal a
consistent nationwide policy to grant a request for foreign language
Notice of Election—excluding the casinos operating in Atlantic City.”
(E. Br. at 16).
In preparation for the hearing in this matter
Bally’s
submitted extensive FOIA requests to Board headquarters and regional
offices around the country. Its initial request sought copies of
all notices of election printed in languages other than English for
representation elections, for the period January 1, 2006 to June 1,
2007. In response the regions (there are 32 regions, some with
offices in more than one city) provided hundreds of foreign language
notices, overwhelmingly but by no means exclusively in Spanish.
Bally’s followed its request with another
seeking
correspondence from the regional offices during this same period in
which the region had rejected a request to provide a notice of election
in a language other than English. This yielded the production of
one instance of correspondence between a regional office and a union
attorney in which a request for Spanish language ballots was denied
because of a failure of the attorney to provide evidence of the need
for such ballots. (E. Exh. 9 at 2404–2406). It also
included Region 4’s March 14 rejection of a request by another casino
for translation of notices of election and ballots into Chinese five
working days before the scheduled election. (E. Exh. 9 at
2354–2356). In that case, the Regional Director
concluded that the request was untimely, and, in addition, found that
the Employer had “failed to demonstrate that there exists a need for
Chinese translations,” basing her conclusion on the employer’s
communication with employees only in English and reliance on bilingual
employees for assistance as needed on an informal basis. The
employer’s special appeal to the Board of this decision was denied “for
essentially the same reasons noted by the Regional Director.” (E.
Exh. 9 at 2356). Finally, at the hearing in this case, the
Regional Director’s representative introduced into evidence an April 30
letter from another representation case, in which the Regional Director
denied a request that notice of elections be translated into Mandarin
Chinese and Vietnamese or, alternatively, that translators attend the
election. (B. Exh. 4). Similar to her conclusion in the
instant case, in that case the Regional Director found that the
employer had failed to demonstrate a need for translations, by showing
only that the employer used foreign language interpreters during its
campaign and that for 35–45 percent of the unit English was a second
language. In that case, the employer, according to the Regional
Director, had refused the region’s request that it provide evidence of
how the employer communicates with employees in its operation of the
facility.
The remainder of responses from regional offices (including from Region 4) indicated that there was no further correspondence during this period responsive to the request. A few added that no requests had been rejected during this period, others stated that no records are kept of such requests but the region had no recollection of rejecting any such requests. At the hearing, I expressed skepticism
about the
relevance of these documents, and about the Employer’s view that they
showed either arbitrariness or discrimination by the Region against it
(or the casino industry). But given the Employer’s view of the
centrality of the documents to its arguments, I accepted these
documents (over the Union’s objection) into the record to permit
consideration of the issues raised by the Employer after briefing.
Having further considered the matter, I
conclude that
the documents do not advance the Employer’s objection. They do
not prove, as Bally’s claims that the Region acted arbitrarily or
discriminatorily in denying the request for translations in this
case. They show, for sure, that translated notices of elections
are used by regions throughout the country. And the lack of
correspondence rejecting requests for foreign notices does suggest that
the requests are granted (and perhaps, even rejected) without much
ado. But these documents tell us nothing about the reasonableness
of the request, or the Region’s response, in this case.
It is not just that none of the elections
referenced
in Exh. 9 appear to have resulted, or been the product of a request for
the translation of 9 (or 8, or 7) foreign languages, as was requested
here. Two cases involved 6 languages, but we have no idea what
factors were relied upon for that extensive a translation to be deemed
warranted. But even beyond that obvious distinction, we know
nothing about the circumstances in each case. We do not know if
there was an objection to the translation as was interposed by the
Union here. We do not know if there were oral discussions between
the parties reaching an agreement with the Region on whether and to
what extent translations were warranted. We do not know whether
in the cases where translations were undertaken, the lack of English in
the bargaining unit was manifest and known to all parties. We
simply do not know anything about the election cases in other regions
(or the other cases from Region 4) that prompted the translation
request. This is, as a practical matter, not subject to
ascertainment. Each case may have different factors and those
cases were not litigated, so reliance on these documents means reliance
on matters that were never sharpened, challenged, or defended in
litigation. Perhaps, it is Bally’s request, under the
circumstances here, that is extraordinary, and not the Region’s
response. The documents from other cases tell us nothing about
this case.
The appropriateness of the Region’s
determination in
this case is measured by whether that determination is consistent with
Board policy on the translation of notices. That policy is found
in Board precedents, not in a review of the unlitigated and uncontested
decisions of individual regions in response to requests for translation
in cases around the country. In order to succeed with its
objection to the failure of the Region to translate the notices of
election, the Employer must show that this failure resulted—in this
case—in the undermining the election process. That is the
standard or “rule” that the Board requires the region to satisfy in
conducting an election. Whether, in other cases, the regions have
provided translated notices of election is irrelevant. See,
Superior Truss & Panel Inc., 334 NLRB 916, 919 (2001) (in view of
regions’ discretion, “[t]herefore, the Employer’s argument addressing
other Regions use of foreign language ballots is simply irrelevant”).
The Union’s contention that the Employer’s objection should not be considered As discussed, in response to the Employer’s request for translation of the notices and ballots into nine foreign languages, the Region sent Bally’s a list of ten detailed questions in an attempt to assess the need for the translation. One could contend that fully answering all ten questions would be unduly burdensome but Bally’s did not. Instead, it simply asserted in response to the Region’s inquiry that, In reiteration of my correspondence of
April 23,
2007, it continues to be Bally’s position that a substantial portion of
our Dealer population do not fully read or understand English. It
is not relevant how communication is handled on a day to day
basis. What is relevant is that in order to avoid
disenfranchising a substantial portion of Bally’s non-English speaking
Dealer population, the ballots must be in a language which will permit
each of them to properly exercise their right to vote in the election
in this case.
The lack of cooperation with the Region’s
inquiry is
manifest. It is consistent with the position taken postelection
that Bally’s is entitled upon request, with nothing more, to receive
foreign language translations of notices for use in the election, a
position that, as I have discussed, is without support in logic or
precedent. Indeed, it is notable that the Region’s denial of
Bally’s request on May 3, explicitly cited Bally’s failure to provide
sufficient evidence to demonstrate that translations were necessary or
any evidence to show that voters would be unable to understand the
notices or ballots. Although this explanation was sent to the
Employer a full month before the election, Bally’s took no steps to
provide the requested information, preferring, apparently, to reserve
any evidence for postelection objections.
The Union contends (U. Br. at 9–10) that
Bally’s
refusal to cooperate with the Region’s inquiries should bar it from
introducing evidence postelection that “should—and could—have been
presented when the Region originally made its requests for
information.” As the Union puts it, “[a]ny other result would
reward a party for refusing to provide requested information to the
Region in such circumstances.”
This argument is not without force.
As every
practitioner (on every side of the labor-management divide: union,
employer, and government) knows, cooperation is the lifeblood of the
administrative law system. Penalties for noncooperation
abound. Charges are dismissed, complaints are withdrawn, and
summary findings are made based on a lack of cooperation by a
party. Issues are waived before the Board if not brought to the
attention of the ALJ. Issues not raised before the Board may not
be raised in court challenges. The reasons are obvious and
profound. At each stage of the administrative process the agency
must be permitted to resolve issues that could stand in the way of
efficient, timely, and just administration of the agency’s
mission. Permitting the litigation of issues that could have and
should have been considered earlier in the administrative process comes
at great cost in terms of expenditure of resources, time, delay, and
justice. This situation is illustrative. The Region
requested the Employer to provide support for its claims that
translated election materials were necessary. Had the Employer
cooperated, it may have convinced the Region to accede to its request,
and the election would have gone forward in the manner urged by
Bally’s. By not cooperating, Bally’s is complicit in creating
circumstances that it now claims warrants a new election. And of
course, perhaps perversely, the stronger Bally’s case at the hearing
that the absence of translations undermined the employees’ free choice,
the more it should be deemed responsible for the elections’
failings. To overturn the election on these grounds now would, in
fact, reward Bally’s for its noncooperation, to the detriment of the
Board’s election process. I am sympathetic to the argument that
Bally’s should not be permitted to overturn this election, forcing over
1100 employees back to the polls, because of arguments and evidence it
could have presented in response to the Region’s questions on this very
subject.
There would be, however, costs to a rule
that
prohibits Bally’s from litigating an objection on an issue as to which
it was requested but refused to provide information preelection.
If Bally’s concerns about the notice of election are warranted, then it
is the employees’ free choice that has suffered because of Bally’s
noncooperation. The non-English speaking and reading employees
are left to the willingness and competence of the union and employer to
request and then support the request for translated election
materials. However, it is also true that this is the case in
nearly every representation case and most unfair labor practice
cases. The union and employer parties make decisions that impact
the rights of employees in all aspects of the representation
process. That reliance on the employer and union to identify and
shape some issues, and ignore others, is a normal part of the
process.
Were I writing on a blank slate, I might be
inclined
to reject Bally’s effort to litigate this issue. However, I think
that the Board’s decision in Northwestern Products, Inc., 226 NLRB 653
(1976) precludes the approach urged by the Union.
In Northwestern Products, an incumbent union
intervenor raised postelection objections to the use of English only
ballots and notices. Prior to the election the parties (including
the employer, the union petitioner, and the intervenor union) had
stipulated that the notices and ballots would be in English only.
In an argument similar to that advanced by the Union here, the Board
explained that “[t]he Petitioner contends that the Intervenor’s
objections must be overruled on the ground that the parties had agreed
to conduct the election solely in English and stipulated that they
would not challenge the election because of this fact.” Indeed,
in Northwestern Products, the intervenor had been asked whether it was
requesting bilingual ballots and notices and had indicated it was
not. The Petitioner further objected on grounds that the language
difficulties of employees failed to establish that they did not
understand the ballot. In Northwestern Products, the regional
director had granted the objection and overturned the election because
of the language problems in the bargaining unit. The Board
rejected the regional director’s recommendation, but in doing so stated
that we do not place total reliance on the stipulation of the
parties. Any such stipulation, even one for bilingual ballots, is
a factor, but nevertheless, is not controlling. The Board’s
decision must be based on a showing that there was interference with
the election, resulting from the use of notices and ballots printed
only in English. . . . Although, as indicated above, a
stipulation such as involved here may not be the decisive factor in
determining whether there has been interference with an election, it is
entitled to consideration and some weight.
The implications of the Board’s view for
this case are
inescapable. If a preelection stipulation to use English-only
notices and ballots does not bar a postelection objection to the use of
English only notices and ballots, Bally’s failure to cooperate in
establishing the need for them cannot bar its posthearing objection
over the failure to grant its request. Therefore, although I am
sympathetic to the union argument, I think that Northwestern Products
represents the Board’s precedent on this question. I therefore
reject the Union’s position that Bally’s objection and evidence in
support of it should not be considered.
iv. The Employer has failed to demonstrate
that the failure of the Region to translate the notices had
a tendency to interfere with employees’ freedom of
choice
Provided the opportunity at the postelection
hearing,
the Employer has failed to show that the Region’s refusal to translate
the notices of election resulted in interference with the employees’
free choice. That is the nub of the issue presented by this
objection. Northwestern, supra, (“the use of notices and ballots
in English only could not have had an adverse impact on the election,
and hence the record does not establish any basis for setting the
election aside”); Superior Truss & Panel Inc., 334 NLRB 916 (2001)
(refusing to overturn election in unit where 10-15 of 28 eligible
voters did not understand, speak, or read English, despite claims that
English only ballot and deficient translation of notices warranted
rerun, where there was no showing of confusion among voters regarding
election).
At the hearing, Bally’s convincingly
demonstrated that
many of the dealers speak English as a second language, and that when
given an opportunity, they prefer to speak their native tongue to one
another. Supervisors who share a native tongue with someone they
supervise share in this preference and practice. As, Douglas
Vargas-Brenes explained, “[i]t comes natural” and leads to “[b]etter
understanding.” None of this demonstrates that dealers are unable
to understand written English or are unable to
understand voting instructions in English. That is a threshold
issue for Bally’s case and it is unproven on this record.
As to evidence in support of that proposition, the
evidence is very limited. In the first place, as an employer,
Bally’s overwhelmingly operates in English and English only. Its
handbook, which is an extensive compendium of rules and regulations
governing all aspects of employment, includes an acknowledgement which
each employee must sign indicating that “I am responsible for
compliance with these regulations, policies and procedures. I
understand it is my responsibility to read the Handbook carefully and
ask questions of my supervisor or the Human Resources Department if
there is information I do not understand.” It is fair to assume
that Bally’s considers this acknowledgement as grounds for holding
employees responsible for compliance with the rules in it.
Clearly, Bally’s intends for dealers to read the handbook and expects
that they can.
As discussed above, Bally’s operates in
English.
Its applications for employment are taken in English and there is no
evidence that translation is used in hiring or the interview process,
although the hiring of foreign born dealers is quite
common. Written employee discipline is meted out in English
only. While the strict “English-only” rule of years past barring
the speaking of any language but English with customers has been
relaxed, this demonstrates only a willingness to allow dealers to speak
a foreign language with like-skilled customers. It does not
demonstrate the inability of dealers to communicate in English.
The assertions in its initial request to the Region that hundreds of
the dealers cannot read or understand English is entirely unproven on
this record.
Bally’s relies upon the showing that
translation is
used in the facility on an “ad hoc” basis. However, I agree with
the Regional Director (who entertained this argument preelection) that
this is insufficient to demonstrate the need for foreign language
notices to enable employees to participate meaningfully in the
election. The ability of Bally’s to operate in English, with
reliance only on “ad hoc” translation if and when available, suggests
that the language problem is extremely limited in scope and
severity. It shows that there are employees who prefer to have
some information translated. But, since it is ad hoc, these same
dealers must also be able to perform their work, maintain their jobs,
and go about their business without translation. Obviously, the
dealers have the ability to operate games and interact with customers
in a company that, according to Bally’s executives, makes customer
service a priority. Obviously the dealers are able to get hired
and maintain employment in a workplace where management hires, manages,
disciplines, and reports in English. Indeed, because of the lack
of showing that any bargaining unit employees cannot read enough
English to cast ballots meaningfully, this case does not require
reaching the issue of whether, among employee who cannot read English,
foreign language accommodations are necessary.
In any event nothing in the record provides the slightest evidence that any employee language limitations suggested by Bally’s interfered with the exercise of free choice by employees. Bally’s claims to the contrary are speculation, backed by no evidence. “The Board has held in numerous cases that it requires more than mere speculative harm to overturn an election.” Transportation Unlimited, 312 NLRB 1162 (1993). Moreover, Bally’s extensive use of interpretation services in its preelection employee meetings significantly undercuts Bally’s postelection speculation that employees did not understand balloting procedures. Prior to the election, each dealer was required to attend roughly five meetings, each lasting at least an hour, at which translation equipment in multiple languages was available. These meetings included information on balloting and election procedures and specific descriptions using a sample ballot about how to cast a ballot. Bally’s decision to provide translated explanations of the election process further erodes even Bally’s speculative claim that the election process suffered from employee confusion or inability to participate meaningfully due to the Region’s failure to translate the notices. In sum, in this case the Regional
Director exercised
the discretion afforded her by the Board to determine whether
translated notices were necessary for the integrity of the
election. She decided they were not, in part, because of Bally’s
refusal, upon the Region’s request, to provide substantiating
information for its request for translated notices. The Employer
has failed to show—either preelection in response to the Region’s
inquiry, or postelection through evidence presented at the objections
hearing—that the use of only English notices of election resulted in
any voter confusion or in any way adversely impacted the
election. Accordingly, I overrule the Employer’s Objection 1.
Objection 2: The Conduct of Union Observer
Suisung Wong
Bally’s dual rated floor person Sangita Patel served as an observer for Bally’s in the representation election. (At the time of the election she was a dealer, but since the election has been promoted to dual rate floor person). Her union observer counterpart was Suisung Wong. During their election shift, Patel and Wong sat side-by-side behind a table. Three other pairs of observers sat farther down the length of the table. The observers sat behind the table—described as about four feet wide—and checked in voters by last name as they came to vote. The Board’s notice of election with a sample ballot was on the table in front of Patel and Wong facing voters, upside down to Patel and Wong. A sign hanging vertically in front of them on the table indicated that voters with last names beginning with T–Z were to register with Wong and Patel. Other sets of observers to Wong and Patel’s right sat in front of signs designating other portions of the alphabet. When a voter approached the table one of the observers would ask for the voter’s name, find it on the list of eligible voters, check off the name, and then the voter would be given a ballot by a Board agent and directed to the voting booth. Wong sat to Patel’s right. Standing off to the left, between the voting booths and Patel, was an agency employee, Field Examiner Mary Leach, who was in charge of running the election. Patel testified that she noticed Wong reaching across the table and pointing to the yes box on the sample ballot with the eraser end of his pencil when a voter would come into the room. Patel testified: I noticed the dealer next to me was—he—we both
had a pencil
in one hand and he was sitting next to me and the paper was little far
away and he was pointing to the "Yes" box because the people's [a]
little far and he kept pointing [at] it every time that he see dealers
coming in and I observed that he kept doing it. I didn't t[ell]
her right away, I observed him for more than 10 times and then I told
Mary Leach, tried to get her attention to it that he's doing this and
which is not right. So she went to him, told him he can't do it,
took the paper and moved it away.
Patel testified that when Leach approached Wong, Wong
denied Patel’s accusation and told Leach that he was not pointing to
the yes mark on the sample ballot but was pointing to the T–Z notice to
show a voter which line they should get in. According to Patel,
Leach moved the notice of election, and that “was [the] end of [the]
story” and the issue was closed.
Wong also testified. For the most part
his account of
the voting procedures and events were the same as Patel’s. But he
vigorously disputed that he had pointed to the yes box on the sample
ballot, or even to the notice of election. In accordance with
Patel’s testimony, Wong explained that after Patel told Leach that Wong
had pointed to the ballot Wong protested, telling Leach that he
had pointed at the alphabet and not at the sample
ballot. Wong explained that some voters, tired and coming from
work, had gotten in the wrong line and he was pointing them to the
correct line. Wong insisted that he pointed to the T–Z once,
using the pen that he and Patel each had to check in voters. At
that point Patel told Leach he was pointing to the yes box, Leach
talked to him, moved the notice of election, and that was the end of it.
Patel and Wong’s stories cannot be reconciled,
although
there is reason to believe that neither account is entirely
accurate. Wong was a voluble, excitable witness, who, it seemed
to me, felt unjustly accused of wrongdoing and was determined to
protest his innocence regardless of the particular question put to
him. I do not accept his testimony that he only pointed once to
the alphabet in an effort to direct voters to the right line. It
is hard to imagine him sitting quietly if a voter appeared the least
uncertain about what direction he was to go in.
Having said that, I am not convinced by Patel’s
testimony
either. Patel testified with a great deal of certainty and
assuredness, yet I was left wondering if the story had not hardened in
her memory with greater clarity than there was at the time. Her
testimony was that “more than ten times” Wong pointed to the yes box in
the sample ballot with the rubber of his pencil. She declared
(when I asked, although she had not stated this previously) that in
each of the approximately 10 instances the eraser end of the pencil
touched the paper of the sample ballot. I doubt this.
First, and although it is not a particularly critical point, I wonder
about these pencils (Patel was sure it was a pencil, and not a
pen). Patel claimed both she and Wong had pencils in their
hand. Wong’s testimony, that each observer held a pen (one blue,
one red, with the union observers using one color and the Employer
observers using another) is consistent with the testimony of other
observers (see, testimony of Employer observer Kenneth Sarnes), and it
is more plausible as method to check in voters. I do not suggest
that Patel was “lying” about the pens and pencils, but if she was
mistaken, and I find that she was, it begins to suggest that the
certainty with which she presented her testimony warrants
scrutiny. More important, I think that it is a reasonable
question why, if Wong’s conduct was so blatant, with his pencil (or
pen) touching the sample ballot paper ten times, Patel waited for him
to do it in the case of 10 voters before she raised it with the Board
agent Leach, who was standing next to Patel. The answer is found,
I believe, in Patel’s response to this very question. She said,
“[i]ts not like I waited, I wanted to make sure that’s what [he wa]s
doing.” Patel waited, I believe, because it was not, in fact,
obvious or clear what Wong was doing. It would have been had his
pencil been touching the yes box or anywhere near it, but his pointing
in the vicinity of the notice of election and T–Z designation (just
beyond the notice of election) would not have been so clear. In
other words, if Wong’s actions had been as blatant as described by
Patel, I do not believe she would have waited. She waited, by her
own admission, because it was not clear that Wong was pointing to the
yes box, or even to the sample ballot.
Under these circumstances, I do not
believe the
evidence establishes that Wong engaged in the misconduct alleged, i.e.,
repeatedly pointing to the yes box on the sample ballot as voters
approached the table. I find that he pointed in the vicinity of
the sample ballot and the T–Z designation. I believe he did this
more than once, perhaps as many as 10 times. I find he stopped
when instructed to stop by the Board agent. I think that the
evidence does not establish that he intended to or did point to the yes
box on the sample ballot. There is no evidence that any voter was
under that impression. Accordingly, I overrule the objection as
unsubstantiated factually.
Objection 6, 8, 9: The incident at Joseph Wanek’s home
Joseph Wanek is employed as a parttime dealer for Bally’s. He testified to the following: on May 29, the Tuesday before the upcoming weekend election, at approximately 3:15 to 3:20 p.m., he was leaving his home to pick up his children from their school bus stop. Wanek testified that as he came out of his house a white pickup truck plastered with UAW stickers and placards pulled up to his house. Two men exited and asked him if his name was Joseph Wanek. Wanek asked, “who wants to know?” and the men presented ID’s and said they were representatives of the UAW. One said he was from Buffalo and the other might have said he was from Pittsburgh. One of the men, who had a clipboard with him with a list of names, told Wanek that his name was on the list and “we’re going around to find out how you’re going to vote on Saturday for the vote. And we don’t want to happen to you what happened to the dealers at . . . Hilton.” Wanek understood this as a reference to the fact that the Hilton dealers voted down UAW representation. Wanek refused to tell them, and the one said “well, you have to tell us.” Wanek again refused to tell them, declaring that “that’s my business and my business alone.” The second individual then said, “I guess you have to go on the list.” Wanek asked “what list” and the second organizer said “you’re going to be one of the first ones to go.” Wanek accused them of threatening him and ordered them off his property. They initially refused to leave, but then Wanek punched 911 into his cell phone, held it up to reveal the numbers and threatened to call the police if they failed to leave. The men returned to their truck. Wanek left to pick up his children at the bus stop only about 100 yards away. While waiting at the bus stop Wanek said he looked in his mirror and saw that the UAW representatives were parked behind him at the bus stop. Then a police car happened to drive by and the truck left. At that point Wanek called Michael May and told him what had happened. The conversation was short, 2 minutes according to the cell phone records. In his testimony, May confirmed that Wanek called him “around Memorial Day . . . extremely upset that he had been visited by the UAW folks, and basically ran through a little bit of what occurred.” May told him to “see me tomorrow and we’ll talk about it then.” In his testimony, May did not corroborate Wanek by offering details of the events conveyed by Wanek. When Wanek went to work the next day he
discussed the
issue with a number of people. He testified that he “told every
pit boss” about the incident. He also discussed it with
voting-eligible dealers, although he could name very few with whom he
spoke about the incident. He listed pit bosses, and then 3
individuals that he did not identify as bosses or dealers, and then 1
individual he identified as a dealer that he told.
Wanek’s testimony was corroborated, to
some extent, by
a number of witnesses. Joe Cella, a Bally’s pit manager,
confirmed that on the Thursday before the election, May 31, Wanek and
he were talking while waiting for customers at a game Wanek was
dealing. Cella testified that Wanek told him that a couple of UAW
representatives had come to his property in a pickup truck and made
“threatening remarks” and acted in a “threatening manner.” Cella
reported that Wanek said he had been shown a list or paper and that
when he asked the UAW representatives to leave they did not.
Cella testified that Wanek had told him how he opened up his cell phone
and dialed 911. Bally’s pit manager Sam Lagrotteria testified
that in the week prior to the election, Wanek approached him and
“grabbed me and he says do you believe this shit. . . . He said
these guys from the Union grabbed me the other day in front of my
house, they were camped out in front of the house.” Lagrotteria
testified that Wanek told him that the union representatives wanted to
know how he was voting in the election, that they did not want what
happened at the Hilton to happen here, and that “they told him that he
would be among the first to go, if they did take control.”
Lagrotteria testified that this conversation was between just Wanek and
himself but that it occurred on the casino floor so there are always
other people around. Lagrotteria testified that he did not know
if anyone overheard the conversation. Lagrotteria discussed the
incident with other pit bosses and floor people as “more or less
cafeteria talk.” Asked whether he discussed it with any people
eligible to vote in the election (i.e., dealers) Lagrotteria said he
could not recall doing so but that it was possible.
Dealer Joyce Kelly testified that on Saturday
June 2,
while taking a smoking break with Wanek, he told her that the UAW had
come to his house “and that they had threatened him, and he was not
very happy about it. And that he had told them to get off his
property.” Kelly could
not recall the nature of the threats or whether Wanek
described them but she said “I just know that in my mind it was that he
had been threatened. I don’t remember what he said
specifically.”
Wanek’s testimony was sharply disputed by UAW
staff
official John Garvey. He testified that he and another UAW
staffer made a house call to Wanek on May 30 (the day after Wanek said
the visit occurred). Garvey testified that when he and the other
UAW organizer, Scott Adams, knocked on the door there was no
answer. As they started to leave Wanek came out of the
house. According to Garvey, Wanek had his phone to his ear and
motioned for them to wait. When he finished on the phone he said
“I know who you are.” Garvey said they explained that “we are
just out talking to card signers to see if there are any last minute
questions about the election.” Wanek said that he did not have
time to talk because he had to pick up his child. They said “thank you”
and Garvey thinks Adams said “Well I hope you do the right
thing.” According to Garvey, the entire encounter lasted about a
minute. Garvey denied that there was any reference to the Hilton,
that they asked Wanek how he would vote, or that they suggested he
would be the first to go if the Union won. He denied having any
such list. Garvey denied following Adams to the bus stop.
Garvey denied seeing Wanek dial 911. Garvey denied seeing any
police cars in the vicinity. He testified that they last saw
Wanek as they were driving away and Wanek was getting into his
car. Garvey said that he and Adams were driving a rented SUV and
that there were no UAW insignia or stickers on it. He testified
that he had a folder, but no clipboard, and wore a UAW shirt.
Garvey testified that Wanek was on their list to visit because he had
signed an authorization card in support of union representation but
they had been unable to contact him by phone. In response to
Bally’s captive audience meetings the UAW was making house calls and
seeking to confirm that card signers were still supportive.
This is not an easy credibility
determination. I
detected no obvious problems with the demeanor of either Wanek or
Garvey. Wanek’s affidavit stated that the UAW organizers arrived
in a van, not a pickup truck, as he testified, but he convincingly
asserted that the affidavit was in error, and it is a small discrepancy
in any event. It does strikes me as somewhat odd that Wanek
failed to mention (or that counsel failed to adduce) that he had
signed an authorization
card, a fact that might be expected to set a different tone for the house visit than a “cold call” to an employee. I do not accuse Wanek of overreacting, but one detects a certain vigor to his assertions and reactions that give pause. This is an employee who admits that he called the UAW to complain of “harassment” because they sent him—a card-signer no less—union literature in the mail. This shows he is exquisitely sensitive to union solicitation, and not passive about asserting himself and his views. In assessing his credibility it is noteworthy, at least, that I believe the mere appearance of UAW representatives at his house would have been upsetting, and therefore, raises the question of whether his account was influenced accordingly. I also note that there is no evidence that any other employee was subjected to such threats. It is possible, of course, that it occurred and was not reported, but if, as Wanek says he was told, Garvey had a list of such people, and was out visiting them, it seems likely that there would have been some evidence (or even rumors) about it. But there was not. It detracts from the plausibility of the incident if I must conclude that Garvey and Adams picked Wanek out of hundreds of employees to make this threat to him and only him. Garvey’s testimony was appropriate on its
face.
Yet, Garvey’s testimony is not without its problems. Actually,
its not Garvey’s testimony, but what is missing from the Union side of
the evidentiary conflict. Given the direct conflict between Wanek
and Garvey’s testimony, one does wonder why Adams, the other party to
the
conversation did not testify. No explanation was offered.
Garvey did explain that he could not find another piece of evidence—his
house call report—that, if filled out the way he claimed, would have
corroborated his account of the encounter. However, the adequacy
of the search seemed limited. He also testified that the
secretary had typed in information on the report into the computer, but
that he did not ask her or anyone else to print that information
out. I hasten to add that, as far as I know or the record shows,
none of this information was subpoenaed by the Employer, so the UAW was
under no obligation to produce it, and by the same token, the Employer
was free to subpoena it. But still, Garvey raised it and relied
upon it in his testimony and this potentially corroborating piece of
evidence was not introduced. That, and Adams unexplained absence
raise questions.
Ultimately, it is unnecessary to resolve
this very
pointed credibility dispute. I have overruled all other
objections advanced by the Employer. Assuming that this incident
occurred the way Wanek explained, I do not believe that this single
incident can be the basis to overturn an election of 1100 employees
that was decided by a margin of well over 2 to 1.
“[T]he
burden of proof on parties seeking to have a Board-supervised election
set aside is a heavy one. The objecting party must show, inter
alia, that the conduct in question affected employees in the voting
unit and had a reasonable tendency to affect the outcome of the
election.” Delta Brands, Inc., 344 NLRB 252, 253 (2005) (internal
quotations omitted). The burden of proof is particularly heavy
where the margin of victory is overwhelming. Avis Rent-A-Car
System, 280 NLRB 580, 581, 582 (1986); Millard Processing Services v.
NLRB, 2 F.3d 258, 264 (8th Cir. 1993), cert. denied, 510 U.S. 1092
(1994). In evaluating whether a party’s misconduct has “the
tendency to interfere with employees’ freedom of choice,” the Board
considers: (1) the number of incidents of misconduct; (2) the severity
of the incidents and whether they were likely to cause fear among
employees in the bargaining unit; (3) the number of employees in the
bargaining unit subjected to the misconduct; (4) the proximity of the
misconduct to the election date; (5) the degree of persistence of the
misconduct in the minds of the bargaining unit employees; (6) the
extent of dissemination of the misconduct among bargaining unit
employees; (7) the effect, if any, of misconduct by the opposing party
to cancel out the effects of the original misconduct; (8) the closeness
of the final vote; (9) the degree to which the misconduct can be
attributed to the party. See, e.g., Cedars-Sinai, supra; Taylor
Wharton Div., 336 NLRB 157, 158 (2001).
Here, we are considering a single incident with only meager evidence of dissemination. The Employer’s prehearing evidence in support of the objections, cited by the Regional Director, indicates that the employee involved in this incident “states that the following day he told at least 100 of his fellow employees about this incident.” The evidence does not support this. Wanek told a lot of pit bosses. But the evidence shows that only a few, perhaps as few as 2, perhaps 5 voting eligible dealers heard about the incident. One testified, and she remembered no details at all, just that Wanek felt he had been threatened. Assuming it occurred, the comments and actions of the UAW organizers constituted misconduct. But there were no threats of violence. The questioning of how Wanek was going to vote, was, by itself, of no consequence, although the insistence that he must reveal his intent was clearly improper. The expressed concern that Bally’s dealers would end up like the Hilton dealers was (and was understood as) only the view of union advocates that it would be in the dealer’s interest for the Union to win the election. The initial refusal to leave the property was quickly abandoned. The following of Wanek to the bus stop was also, quickly abandoned. The assertion that Wanek and others would be “the first to go” if the Union won the election is the nub of the objection. There is, however, no evidence that anyone else was subjected to this threat. In this case, and given the isolated nature of the misconduct, the limited dissemination to the voters (at least one of whom testified that she could not remember the nature of the threats made to Wanek), the large size of the bargaining unit and the substantial margin of victory, “it is virtually impossible to conclude that the election outcome has been affected." Bon Appetit Management Co., 334 NLRB 1042, 1044 (2001) (citations omitted). This high standard, applied where, unlike in this case, the misconduct is the subject of an unfair labor practice finding, need not be, but is met here. Assuming, arguendo, the misconduct occurred, the objection should be overruled. III. recommendations
On these findings of fact and conclusions and on
the entire record, I issue the following recommendations:
The Employer's objections in the above matter should
be overruled. As the tally of ballots shows that the majority of
valid votes counted have been cast for the Petitioner, it is
recommended that the Board certify the Petitioner as the collective-bargaining representative of employees in the appropriate unit. Dated, Washington, D.C. October 18,
2007
____________________
David I. Goldman Administrative Law Judge |
|
BALLYS
UPDATE
On June 3rd, despite management's ruthless and inappropriate behavior, we prevailed in our election to form our union with the UAW by a margin of 628-255. Despite this overwhelming margin of victory the company filed objections to the election with the National Labor Relations Board on June 8th. These objections were rejected by the Administrative Law Judge in his decision dated October 18th. The company then appealed this decision to the National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D.C. We are currently awaiting that decision. We fully expect the outcome of this appeal to be the same as the original decision. The company then has one last appeal available to them in the Appellate Court. Unfortunately this appeal process is available to the company and they, in our opinion, are using this process simply as a delay tactic hoping that we get impatient and discouraged. We have worked too long and too hard to be swayed by the same people that have treated us unfairly and disrespectfully for many, many years. We, the elected Bally's Bargaining Committee, would like to inform you, our members, of our progress (impeded as it may be by management). We have been meeting on our own time with our UAW Representatives in spite of the fact that management is attempting to not recognize our decision to join the UAW. While management is delaying our inevitable negotiation process for a fair and equitable contract, we are taking advantage of this time to prepare our proposals. Once we become certified we will begin the bargaining process and finally have a voice in our workplace. Our sister property, Caesars, is continuing to bargain with the company. Many proposals have been exchanged regarding such subjects as healthcare, seniority, grievance procedure, hours of work (including early cuts, starting times, scheduling, etc.), leave of absence, call out/absentee language, etc. We remain optimistic that Caesars' dealers will obtain a fair and equitable contract. Do not allow management's stall tactics to discourage you. Company objections to successful union organizing elections are not uncommon, they're actually the norm. Management knows with a union they will lose some of their power over us and we will no longer be at their mercy, that's why they fight us so hard. Together, organized and united, we are strong. We are moving forward regardless of any futile attempts by management to stop or delay us. Keep the faith, we will ultimately prevail. In
Solidarity, Your UAW BALLY’S Bargaining Committee.
|
NO
MORE REASONS TO FEAR!
Atlantic City Hilton Found
"GUILTY" of Employee Rights ViolationsRe: Atlantic City Hilton Casino Case No. 4-CA-35301 July 16, 2007 In a settlement agreement between the NLRB (National Labor Relations Board) and the Atlantic City Hilton, the NLRB determined that Hilton management violated our rights as employees during our organizing campaign in conjunction with our efforts to seek representation through the UAW. Included in these charges, the Atlantic City Hilton "has interfered with, restrained, and coerced employees in the exercise of their rights to seek representation guaranteed in Section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act." This means all Floors, and Shift Managers, Pit Managers and Casino Managers etc. can not deny their employees the right to educate, speak and pass out literature about forming our union with the UAW during our breaks, lunch time, before and after work. Also management can no longer mislead workers that if they talk about forming their union they might lose their green card. This is not true and management must stop doing it. In reaching this settlement, the Atlantic City Hilton has agreed to post in the workplace a "Notice to Employees" admitting their guilt concerning these violations and outlining the changes in policy resulting from this settlement agreement. This "posting" has been viewed in several inconspicuous places. If one did not know that this posting was going to occur, and specifically look for it, you would most likely never see the "Notice". In essence, admitting guilt of violating their employees rights after the fact amounts to no more than a "slap on the wrist" for a company that found it necessary to spend millions - of - dollars - on - anti-union "consultants" in order to "buy" an election by a mere 25 votes. After all, having to post a settlement agreement in the workplace, which the vast majority of employees won't even notice, let alone read, is a small price to pay for the admission of guilt. Then again, management did make an effort by raising the dealers' salary cap to $12.00 per hour (as have most other houses in town) giving "hope" to the majority of dealers making the median wage of $6.50 per hour, that, with an average raise of $.35 per year, they may reach that $12.00 cap in approximately 16 YEARS. The fact is that without union/UAW representation management can make whatever policy decisions they wish, whenever and for whatever reasons they wish, regardless of the consequences, including violating our rights as employees and breaking the law. The one positive coming from our victory at the National Labor Relations Board is that during our next organizing campaign (and there will be a NEXT campaign) management will be held accountable for their actions regarding this settlement agreement and be forced to adhere to them. This proves that our rights are protected and have freedom of speech in our workplace just as we have in our local union hall. |
Health
and Safety committees are up and moving forward and have completed
another session of training
August 16, 2007 to have the ability to be aware of unsafe situations in the workplace. This also enables them to educate all their co-workers on what questions they might have and to ensure a healthy working environment. |
|
The Curse of the Captive Audience Meeting
As many approach the day
of their election they are most certain to be subjected to captive
audience meetings. What are these meetings and why are they held? Very
simply, they are a means for management to exert total control over the
workforce. It is interesting how one minute they will declare you a
member of a family, and a very important one at that, and a moment
later threaten to eliminate your position or lay you off. But, they
care about you, remember that.You will notice that not all of your coworkers will be present at your meeting. Most likely you will be grouped by nationality, employment status or ethnic group. Most notably absent will be vocal union supporters, as your boss doesn't want his beautiful, hypnotic session of lies and empty promises disrupted by pertinent and probing questions. So because the supporters will be absent it is up to all of us to ask the boss the questions that take them off their strategy of intimidation, fear and misinformation. Questions like, "Why don't you want us to form a union?", "Why does it take so long to get a decent raise?", "Why are your profits increasing but my medical coverage is getting more expensive and covers less?", "Why do you negotiate with other unions in our house?", and "Why are you trying so hard to defeat your own people?" You will find after a few questions that the workers will have gained control of the meeting and the boss will be left speechless, unless he chooses to spew out more lies. Take control of these meetings and don't let the bosses turn others away from their issues. |
DON’T VOTE AGAINST YOURSELF
Let's keep things simple. Who is the union? We are the union. We are the ones responsible for coming together to exercise our right to organize and make our voice heard by management and to actually produce results, not solicit empty promises. We are the union. We are the UAW. The UAW did not come to Atlantic City's dealers. Atlantic City's dealers chose the UAW. These men and women at the hall regularly provide guidance and support, not government and supervision. Past efforts to unionize have failed. That is not the case today, thanks in large part to our brothers and sisters at the UAW, and all co-workers from all the houses in AC who assisted us in designing a blueprint for success. When you vote "yes" you are voting for every man and woman in your workplace. If you vote "No" you are voting against yourself. Proud to be UNION!
|
|
|
To
all UAW members and future members.
I am a UAW committee member from Trump Plaza.We along with other men and women across the city are in the process of changing the way Atlantic City has treated us for years. AS FOR US AT TRUMP PLAZA we are just waiting for all the appeals to be finished. Even though we are disappointed with the manner in which Trump Plaza handled our UAW victory, I am very proud of how my fellow co-workers have handled themselves through this situation. We will endure these delays and move forward to form a true partnership with Trump Plaza through the process of collective bargaining. |
||
